The Kingdom of Mapungubwe (mah-POON-goob-weh) was an ancient state at the meeting point of the Shashe and Limpopo rivers in South Africa, just south of Great Zimbabwe. By 1250, its capital had about 5,000 residents, and the kingdom spanned roughly 30,000 km.
| Kingdom of MapungubweMapungubwe | |
|---|---|
| c. 1220–c. 1300 | |
| Status | Kingdom |
| Capital | Mapungubwe Hill |
| Government | Monarchy |
| King | |
| • 1220-? | Shiriyadenga (according to Venda tradition) |
| • ?-1300 | Tshidziwelele (according to Venda tradition) |
| History | |
| • Established | c. 1220 |
| • Mapungubwe Hill abandoned | c. 1300 |
| Area | |
| • Total | 30,000 km2 (12,000 sq mi) |
| Currency | Possibly beads, however trade was largely conducted via barter |
Preceded bySucceeded by BambandyanaloLeopard’s Kopje Kingdom of Zimbabwe | |
| Today part of | South Africa, Zimbabwe |
The elite advanced sacral kingship through rainmaking and exported gold and ivory via Swahili city-states along the East African coast. Recent finds at Mapela Hill suggest similar leadership structures existed in the region nearly 200 years earlier. Around 1300, population shifts occurred due to unknown factors and changing trade routes, and Mapungubwe’s descendants are linked to the Kalanga (Shona), Tshivhula, and Venda peoples.
Although locals knew of the site, it was only recognized by scientists and colonial authorities in 1933. Artefacts from Mapungubwe are displayed at the Mapungubwe Museum in Pretoria, and the archaeological site lies within Mapungubwe National Park near the borders of Zimbabwe and Botswana.
Etymology
The original name of the site is unknown. In accordance with archaeological naming conventions, both the site and capital have been designated as Mapungubwe, and this term has been extended to refer to the kingdom as well. The word Mapungubwe translates as “place of (many) jackals.” In several Bantu languages, the suffix “-pungubwe” denotes a jackal. For instance, “jackal” is rendered as phunguwe in Venda and as phukubje in Northern Sotho.
History
Origins
The region was inhabited by the San for approximately 100,000 years, who left a significant legacy of cave paintings throughout Southern Africa. The Kingdom of Mapungubwe traces its origins to Leopard’s Kopje.
Schroda (900–1000)
Driven by the ivory trade, certain groups of Zhizo people migrated south around 900 AD to establish Schroda near the Limpopo River. This migration led to the displacement of the San from their ancestral lands. The Zhizo community practiced cattle herding and agriculture, engaged in trade, and possibly participated in hunting activities with the San, who resided in separate settlements.[9] Schroda, likely the most populous settlement (approximately 500 inhabitants), served as the Zhizo capital. The chief accrued wealth primarily through cattle, sourced via court fines, forfeitures, tributes, raids, and matrimonial alliances involving his daughters. The Zhizo produced elaborately styled pottery, which became a defining characteristic, and utilized figurines as educational aids. Their trade network included transactions of ivory, gold, rhino skins, leopard skins, and iron with coastal cities such as Chibuene, in exchange for glass beads, cotton and silk textiles, and glazed ceramics.
K2 (1000–1220)
By around 1000 AD, members of the Leopard’s Kopje culture moved south to settle Bambandyanalo (referred to as K2), while the Zhizo relocated westward to Toutswe in present-day Botswana. Interpretations of their interactions range from hostile military conflict to more nuanced social and political relations. The Leopard’s Kopje people spoke a precursor of Shona, most likely Kalanga (Western Shona). K2 functioned as the capital, probably organized into residential zones overseen by family heads, with the chief commanding the largest area. Women traditionally worked copper, while men were responsible for ironworking.
The community cultivated sorghum, pearl millet, finger millet, ground beans, and cowpeas. Population growth resulted in K2 reaching about 1,500 residents by 1200 AD. Rainmaking ceremonies were common, and chiefs occasionally enlisted outsiders—such as the San, noted for their enduring presence—for spiritual expertise. Similarly, Zhizo individuals remaining at Leokwe, possibly subordinate to K2, specialized in rituals owing to their prolonged habitation.
The substantial wealth generated by Indian Ocean trade fostered notable socioeconomic inequalities, prompting a shift from a system based on social ranking to one characterized by distinct social classes. It is likely that the spatial arrangements of K2 eventually proved inadequate for accommodating these societal changes.
Mapungubwe Hill (1220-1300)
During a period of significant drought, royal elites relocated the capital to Mapungubwe, settling on its flat-topped summit around 1220, while most of the population resided at the base of Mapungubwe Hill. Evidence suggests that the previous settlement may have been intentionally burned to accommodate new construction. Mapungubwe Hill was established as the designated site for rainmaking rituals, and the leader’s residence there emphasized an association between political authority and rainmaking activities, reflecting developments in leadership structures. The hill had previously been inhabited by the San people, and a rock shelter on the eastern side contains examples of their artwork.
According to oral traditions, the first king—referred to as “Shiriyadenga” in Venda accounts—primarily remained in ritual seclusion and maintained a palace on the western part of the hill, which included separate rooms for receiving and screening visitors, as well as a space for a specialized diviner. By approximately 1250, the Mapungubwe settlement had a population of about 5,000, distributed around the hill in a protective arrangement. The second king (“Tshidziwelele” in Venda traditions) established his palace in the centre of the hill, with similar arrangements to the previous ruler but with architectural divisions separating visitors from the king. Polygamy was practiced among royalty, with some wives residing outside the capital, possibly to support alliances.
The local economy relied on agriculture. To maximize productivity, cattle, once considered the primary indicator of wealth, were grazed away from the capital on other communities’ land, facilitating social and political ties and expanding Mapungubwe’s influence. Wealth accumulation occurred through tributes paid in crops, livestock, and occasionally rarer items. The kingdom did not directly control villages engaged in mining and smelting, although some gold processing took place within Mapungubwe. The extent to which coercion or conflict contributed to the kingdom’s growth remains uncertain due to limited archaeological evidence. Stone walls served both symbolic purposes in delineating social classes and potentially defensive functions, indicating possible armed conflict. Mapungubwe participated in regional trade with neighbouring settlements such as Toutswe and Eiland, and exported gold and ivory via Sofala to the Indian Ocean markets.
The reasons for Mapungubwe’s decline are unclear. Historical records suggest that shifts in trade routes northwards, favouring access to gold-producing regions via the Save River, had a detrimental impact on Mapungubwe’s economy. Loss of confidence in leadership, combined with increasing social stratification, may have led to societal fragmentation and the eventual abandonment of the region. The population dispersed without reestablishing centralized control. Subsequently, Great Zimbabwe emerged to the north, adopting similar spatial and leadership structures.
Culture and Society
During the K2 settlement phase, society transitioned from social ranking to social class distinctions, becoming one of Southern Africa’s early examples of class-based systems and sacral kingship. The leadership and elite groups occupied the hilltop, with other residents located below. Four paths provided access to the hill, with the main route guarded by soldiers referred to as the “eye” of the king. Settlements were divided into residential zones managed by family heads and arranged around the hill in a circular pattern. The kingdom itself likely followed a five-tiered hierarchy: family heads, headmen, petty chiefs, senior chiefs, and the king.
The king resided in a small wooden hut, reportedly in a concealed location, and maintained separation from visitors. His entourage included soldiers, praise singers, and musicians who played traditional instruments. Ritualized practices characterized the king’s actions. Royal polygamy was common, with a senior wife managing affairs and others living outside the capital to help maintain alliances.
Mapungubwe settlements reflected the “Central Cattle Pattern” typical of Southern Africa. The central area, managed by men, was used for dispute resolution and political decisions, while women occupied surrounding domestic spaces. Activities focused on family life and agriculture, with dedicated areas for ceremonies and daily tasks. Cattle were kept in kraals near residences, highlighting their value. The leader presided over courts remotely, with close male relatives holding significant power. Only high-status men were permitted to work copper and gold, materials associated with status and authority. Most people used iron tools, while poorer farmers utilized stone and bone implements.
Elites were buried in elevated locations, and royal wives lived in separate quarters away from the king. Influential individuals constructed notable homes on the outskirts. This spatial division first appeared at Mapungubwe and was later adopted by subsequent states. Population growth led to specialization in crafts such as pottery. Archaeological finds include gold objects in elite burials.
Rainmaking
Rainmaking practices aimed to influence weather patterns, including inducing rainfall and preventing droughts or floods. These practices were rooted in beliefs regarding human interaction with nature and spiritual entities. The San people, perceived as having connections to ancestral spirits, often performed these rituals. San shamans reportedly entered trance states to engage with the spirit world. The community at K2 selected the San for rainmaking instead of rivals like the Zhizo, as the San did not acknowledge ancestors, and thus avoided political leverage through ancestral claims. Hilltops with nearby streams were preferred sites for rainmaking rituals. As the society developed further, ritual sites became institutionalized, and the elite concentrated these activities at Mapungubwe Hill, shifting the practice from multiple locations to a single one and establishing the royal family as the primary ritual specialists.
Economy
Textiles and ceramics were manufactured at Mapungubwe.
Mapungubwe participated in regional trade with communities such as Toutswe and Eiland, among others. A significant portion of their wealth was derived from the Indian Ocean trade. An early connection existed with Chibuene. After Chibuene was destroyed by fire, Sofala became the primary trading port, visited frequently by Arab merchants due to increased demand for gold from the 10th century onwards, following various Muslim, European, and Indian states issuing gold coinage. Mapungubwe exported gold and ivory, while importing large quantities of glass beads from India and Southeast Asia. The presence of Chinese celadon at the palace suggests it may have been a diplomatic gift exchanged for access to trade.
By the late 13th century, traders often bypassed Sofala and Mapungubwe by traveling along the Save River (north of the Limpopo) into the gold-producing interior, as Quelimane and Angoche emerged as significant trading centers. This shift contributed to the rise of Great Zimbabwe and played an important role in Mapungubwe’s decline.
Stone masonry
The spatial organisation at Mapungubwe, referred to as dzimbahwe in Shona, utilised stone walls to designate specific areas, which served to indicate social hierarchy and provide ritual privacy for the king. There was a stone-walled residence, likely occupied by the principal councillor. Both stone and wood were used in construction, including a wooden palisade encircling Mapungubwe Hill. The majority of the capital’s inhabitants resided within the western wall.
Royal burials
In the 1930s, a cemetery with 23 graves was found near the palace. Most adults were buried with glass beads, but three graves stood out: one contained gold-covered wooden items—a divining bowl, sceptre (probably a knobkerrie), and a rhino; the second, likely a woman, had over 100 gold bangles, 12,000 gold beads, and 26,000 glass beads; the third, likely a tall middle-aged man, was buried with a gold bead and cowrie shell necklace plus gold-covered objects including a crocodile.
In 2007, the South African Government approved the reburial of remains excavated in 1933 on Mapungubwe Hill, with the ceremony held on 20 November 2007.
Population
Diet and lifestyle
Skeletal analysis of Mapungubwe people indicates they had mortality rates typical of pre-industrial societies, with high childhood mortality but an expected adult life span of 35–40 years. Generally, they showed healthy growth and few chronic infections, although some children exhibited anaemia.
Ethnic affiliation
The population is believed to be ancestors of the Kalanga people, a Shona subgroup. Both the Vhavenda and the Tshivhula/Sembola (groups formed from Kalanga, Shona, and Sotho-Tswana origins) lay claim to the Mapungubwe heritage, though their migration histories do not align with the site’s timeline. The people are considered “cultural ancestors” of the Shona and Venda. Venda oral traditions suggest kings Shiriyadenga and Tshidziwelele once ruled Mapungubwe Hill before being replaced by Vele Lambeu, but this account is disputed.
Genetics
Skeletal analysis of Mapungubwe craniometric traits has been used to infer genetic relationships with other populations. Early work by Galloway (1939/1957) linked these remains to ‘Khoisanid’ groups, describing them as ‘racially Boskop,’ though this was controversial due to similarities in material culture with Iron-Age Bantu practices. Poor preservation of some skulls complicates reanalysis, but later studies show that most undamaged samples fall within expected ranges for “Bantu” populations.
Rightmire (1970), examining 35 cranial traits, found that K2, Bambandyanalo, and Mapungubwe crania generally aligned with modern Bantu variation, not Khoisan or Hottentot samples. Steyn (1997) found dental samples from K2 and Mapungubwe were more similar to “Southern African Negro” than San, suggesting a largely unified population.
Confusion arises from several factors: small sample sizes, the inherent limitations and interpretive challenges of craniometric analysis, and significant historical mixing between Khoisan and Bantu populations. The typological approach to racial classification is now outdated, though broad cluster distinctions remain possible. Modern genetic research confirms notable historic admixture between Khoisan and Southern African Bantu peoples. Overall, both craniometric and genetic analyses have limitations in pinpointing ethno-linguistic boundaries of past populations.
Rediscovery and historiography
Local communities had long known about the site through their oral histories, considering it sacred and imbued with the power and presence of ancestral kings. They were warned by their traditions against visiting or even pointing at the hill. In the 19th century, Frans Lotrie, of either German or Dutch ancestry, traveled across the subcontinent and became known as “Wild Lottering” before settling near the Limpopo. In the early 20th century, the Van Graans, farmers in the Mopane District, heard a legend about “a white man gone wild, who had lived a hermit’s life in a cave on the banks of the Limpopo” and had “climbed the sacred hill and found things there.” After years of searching for the treasure, in 1933, they coerced an unnamed local African guide and set out again with a team. According to an archaeologist in 1937, the African guide “was literally shivering with fright and had to be forcibly detained before pointing out the secret path up the hill.” They uncovered pottery fragments and artifacts of copper, glass, and gold, as well as the burial of a highly decorated person.
The Van Graans did not declare everything they found. The younger Van Graan, a former student of the University of Pretoria, reported the discovery to an archaeologist. At the time, the University of Pretoria, an exclusively Afrikaner institution, gained the rights to the treasure, and the Hertzog government monopolized the site. The discovery contradicted the white supremacist myth that Africa was a dark and backward continent in need of “saving,” as well as the belief that Afrikaners were “champions of civilization.” Similar to what happened with Great Zimbabwe, the government attempted to hide, discredit, and “protect” the site.
